Hope is a great falsifier -- Baltasar Gracian
The long and the short of it
Bolshevik Inquisition Part
By Hana Catalanova
For a long time already, the Czech public has tended to be apathetic after all those heavy doses of publicized scandal occurring at the highest levels. For a long time already, the bell tolls for all the decent and honest people without the slightest sign of public unrest or a calling of politicians to account for the morass the country finds itself in. Czech journalists, according to their capabilities and personal courage, meet their role of society watch dogs but the feedback from the nation is almost down to zero. People seem to be deaf and blind to the alarming news.
The interesting thing is that events taking place elsewhere in the world are given high attention by the Czech public, and "academic" debates, together with a sharp criticism, have no end. As if their own backyard isn't pleading for a good cleanup.
Why is it so?
Is it possible the Czech nation would lose face if it admitted to the possibility of persecutions and repressions by those all-powerful and all-capable ones? Is it possible the human sub-conscience is still controlled by that good old fellow fear?
Fear of what?
What can be worse for a man (nation) than losing face identity, pride and respect? And that has already happened. For long decades a humiliated nation was not able to grab the reins of freedom into its own hands. The Czech nation did not manage to straighten its spine even when the time was right. It allowed the old structures, fraud and deceit to win again.
It is hard for the deceived mind to rise out of dust and mud. Yet, if there is a strong will to do so, the only possible way is the one going upwards. There is nothing to lose anymore; there is a chance to gain a lot. In the daily newspapers we follow the ever-growing cases of corruption in the public and state administration. We follow all the frauds surrounding security clearances. There are former communists, despicable StBs and members of the repressive People's Militia in the highest posts.
In terms of security clearances: these were given to among others Karel Herman, deputy PM, even to Vaclav Jakubik, deputy of the presidential police. Moreover, Herman is a former Secretary of KSC in Prague (i.e., Communist Party), and a doctor of political science of the former regime. Jakubik was given the security clearance even though he established a business firm with a prominent communist spy who worked for the communist intelligence service even in NATO's headquarters. On top of this, Jakubik worked as a warder in communist jails in the 1980s.
There has been some talk that the military counter-intelligence service should rest in the capable hands of Jiri Giesl, a communist since 1970, who is said to have learned English right in the U.S.A. in 1990!
Chief of BIS (Security and Intelligence Service) Jiri Ruzek had a business company -- SUDA Investment -- with the former StB agent Jaroslav Burianek (cover name Kopecky) until last year! The company was founded in 1995 by Ruzek, who then already was a chief in the intelligence service. As such he shouldn't have gotten involved in any business firm not to mention a partnership with an StB agent. Burianek, as a lawyer, looks after Ruzek's family assets these days.
Names such as Miroslav Slouf, Vratislav Sima, Karel Herman, Jiri Frkal, Milan Jedlicka, Vaclav Jakubik, Jiri Ruzek and a great many others, are a serious warning to all NATO allies. They ought to carefully consider the ratification of the ATOMAL agreement with an ally who till this very day has old communist and StB structures and their collaborators in decisive posts.
Another alarming revelation was the fact that two former StB "personnel," Milan Liska and Jaroslav Indruch, served until last summer right near President Vaclav Havel. Both used to work as agents of the communist military counter-intelligence service, and both served for 12 years after the "revolution" directly in the Castle Guard! Liska as a chief of the Castle Guard, and Indruch as its commanding officer.
Liska was not an ordinary StB agent, but he was a so called "resident" which means that he was a collaborator of the secret communist service who ran his own network of agents. The presence of such people so close to the head of state can be considered, according to experts, as a high security danger. They say that a former resident can be, because of his past, very easily corrupted, and he could therefore anytime revive his "sleeping" network of agents. Zdenek Valis, historian, says for the daily MFDnes that a resident had much deeper knowledge of things than a common agent. He was directly answerable to headquarters, and the KGB undoubtedly had such a person in its records.
Chief of the Presidential military office, general Ladislav Tomecek (in this office since January 1990) who is in charge of the Castle Guard, said he had no knowledge of Liska being an StB agent, let alone a resident. Tomecek himself held high posts in the army before 1989, and it is quite obvious he was completely loyal to the evil communist regime. Recommended by the KSC (Communist Party), he had studied at the Military Academy of the General Staff in Moscow, Russia. In 1990 Tomecek spent some time in Cuba supposedly on holiday.
The latest news around the Castle Guard is absolutely shocking! At first there were reported cases of victimization, threats and blackmail, followed by sexual the abuse of Castle Guard's soldiers by their military psychologist, and the scandals continue under the guise of former StB criminals in direct proximity to the president of the Czech Republic.
Last year it became known and was publicized that 117 former StB agents were given security clearances without any justification at all! Was it intentional? And is this publicized number a final count?
Even the Czech judicial system seems to be firmly caught in the tentacles of the communist octopus. A proof of this isn't only the Hucin case which we follow very closely, but another which is described below in a summary of some of the latest shameful events in the Czech Republic.
"The severe crimes of communism are judged by communists!" scream the bold headlines of Czech newspapers. Some of today's judges even participated in the dirty processes of the totalitarian regime! The number of communist judges and state prosecutors is, till this very day, concealed from the public. President Havel had the power and means to rid Czech society of these judges and other communist criminals, but he failed to do so. On the contrary, Havel fortified their positions, as well as securing the positions of former totalitarian operatives in other spheres of the state administration.
Will citizen Havel ever be accountable to the nation, or will he secure life-long immunity for himself? This travesty spits in the faces of all the tortured and persecuted victims of communism.
It appears to be an intentionally dragged-out process with Alois Grebenicek, an extremely active member of the so-called "Hit Commando" of the 1950s. Judge Radomira Vesela hasn't been "able" to get the accused Grebenicek into the courtroom for the last 5 years! Judge Vesela is also a former member of the Communist Party. Meanwhile the son of the accused, Miroslav Grebenicek, is the chairman of today's parliamentary Communist Party KSCM the successor of KSC. The proceedings against Alois Grebenicek a callous beast were to commence April 11th 2002. But they were again adjourned ad infinitum. Shall we live to see a disciplinary proceedings with this judge Vesela?
There were 2,515 judges and 939 state prosecutors in the Czech judicial system in the year 2000. We continuously hear of successfully applied reforms within the judiciary. Nobody has publicly said, though, what past this army of "just ones" has, and if it actually has the moral authority (and security) to make decisions on guilt and punishment.
Unfortunately, in a lawless society the public has no legal measures to defend itself.
The Hucin Case
On April 10th and 11th, Vladimir Hucin found himself again in the courtroom, this time without the police escort and without handcuffs. The Prerov court building and surroundings were guarded by uniformed police and police in plain clothes.
Judge Michal Jelinek, blinded by a desire to show who is in charge of the situation, excluded the public and media before the hearing even started. Hucin's supporters and media representatives even had to clear the corridor leading to the courtroom! By doing so, the judge violated the basic Constitutional right to a public trial guaranteed by the Czech Constitution to every accused person. Compliance with this right was unsuccessfully demanded by Hucin's defense lawyers, by Hucin himself and by the general public. A decision to exclude the public didn't cool the judge's bias, though. Additionally, he forbade to make any audio recordings and no written notes were allowed during the hearing.
During the hearing on Wednesday, 4/10, which in reality was a sharp performance on the part of the judge, Mrs. Zdenka Masin was verbally attacked by the judge for the expression on her face. The look in her eyes was not class-conscious enough for him. She was therefore warned that if she continued to look that way, she would be led out of the courtroom.
Hucin's defense lawyers objected to the obvious bias of the judge, Jaroslav Dvorak, who in the communist past used to be a deputy director at an energy plant called Severomoravska energetika, which was not only according to Hucin a very strategic plant controlled by the communist State Security service. In addition to this, Dvorak was a member of a collaborating organization SCSP (Union of Czechoslovak-Soviet Friendship), and he was also a graduate of the communist institution to educate cadres, proudly called VUML (High Teachings of Marxism-Leninism).
Even this objection was rejected by judge Jelinek, as were the other ones, for that matter, raised by the defense and by V. Hucin previously. A bias objection was also raised by state prosecutor Lenka Sromova. It concerned Frantisek Preslicka of the Political Prisoners Confederation (KPV), who was to act as Hucin's confidant during this closed hearing. Sromova stated that Preslicka was trying to influence one of the witnesses. This was immediately disclaimed by Preslicka who called it a false statement made with intent to deceive.
But this objection was accepted by Judge Jelinek, just as he accepted previous objections by the prosecution. The position of confidant was then accepted by Rudolf Martin, husband of Zdenka Masin.
Hucin's defense lawyer, Stanislav Devaty, then patiently and comprehensibly explained to the legal panel a fundamental fact that V. Hucin is actually still bound by the pledge of confidentiality which was not lifted by the BIS yet. By giving testimony at the hearing Hucin would actually do himself an injustice and could face further charges. It is not a secret that everyone who works with the armed forces is bound by the pledge of confidentiality. The judge and state prosecutor refused to accept this fact. Nevertheless, the hearing was soon interrupted and adjourned till the following day.
On Thursday, 4/11, the judge only heard the charges against Jan Chmelar, Hucin's doctor, who together with Hucin was charged with fraud related to worker disability benefits in the amount of 7,000 Czech crowns ($ 195). This alleged fraud took place at the time of the unexpected arrest of Hucin, who was on sick leave being treated by Dr. Chmelar (who also issued him a sick note previously). After the arrest, a prison doctor cancelled Hucin's work incapacity but nobody bothered to inform doctor Chmelar about that.
The state prosecutor, seeing another possible reason to charge Hucin, was not interested in this fact at all, and the judge accepted the complete indictment without being bothered to examine it thoroughly.
The objective was given and it was uncompromising to silence Hucin!
Doctor Chmelar defended himself in the sense that he was evidently not given any report on the cancellation of Hucin's worker's disability. The Judge then brought out a closing conclusion that "because of the legal complexity of the case, the hearing cannot continue any further," and adjourned the trial until May 29th and 30th 2002.
The head of Prerov court, Tana Simeckova, and the presiding judge over the Hucin case, Michal Jelinek, were visited by congressman and deputy chairman of The People's Party, Tomas Kvapil. As a citizen he advocated a public trial for V. Hucin, and he also demanded an explanation why the judge excluded the public.
After the meetings Kvapil said the judge assured him that the public would be allowed into the courtroom when it became possible. Well, if it was not possible during the hearing with Dr. Chmelar who himself had asked for a public hearing or is a sick note also a "classified" information?? the question of a public trial for Vladimir Hucin seems to have been answered a long time ago.
to be continued