Dolejsi Analysis (1991)
One of Four
by Jan Malina
Part 1, Charter 77
Of the first 216 signatories of Charter 77, as listed on 1 January 1977, 156
of them were former communists among which are names of people
significantly compromised by their direct or indirect support for the communist
terror in Czechoslovakia during the 1950's, for example:
Frantisek Krigel, Ladislav Lis, Zdenek Mlynar, Ludmila Jankovcova, Jiri
Dienstbier, Lubos Dobrovsky, Gertruda Sekaninova-Cakrtova, Ladislav Kolmistr,
Jiri Hajek, Milos Hajek, Jiri Ruml, Oldrich Hromadko, Karel Siktanc, Frantisek
Samalik, Ludvik Vaculik, Pavel Kohout,
Jarmila Taussigova, Venek Silhan, Libuse Silhanova, Bedrich Placak,
Jaroslav Sabata, Jan Stern, Jiri Kanturek, Rudolf Zukal, Ludek Pachman and
Based on the
intelligence analysis of the CzCP [Czechoslovak Communist Party] internal audit
of 1969-1970, it is obvious that about 800 CzCP officials were transferred to
the so-called “reserves” by way of expulsions [from the Party]. This enabled
the use of these party members as secret agents in such situations as arose
after Charter 77 was founded, after 17 November 1989, and for use in variants of
the democratization envisioned by the communists.
intelligence analysis it is also obvious that about 1,120 communists were sent
abroad to infiltrate the émigré political opposition. Until recently the
communists used 260 of these people in operations. The remaining 860 were kept
Some of these
sleepers may be identified by privileges they received from the governments
of the countries they fled to. Sleeper agents sent to the West typically receive
political asylum immediately and without any delays. Afterwards these same
persons contact Czechoslovak [Communist] Consulates and Embassies to receive
immigration passports. Many return to Czechoslovakia for visits, experiencing no
problems. The way is carefully prepared for sleeper agents. They often acquire
jobs in prominent institutions of the countries they are sent to. Their children
are able to study at leading colleges and universities. In many cases,
high-level communist sleeper agents receive jobs as college or
university professors. Sometimes they are given important political posts.
In order to form an
alternative opposition in Czechoslovakia [under communist control] it was
necessary to manipulate older exile organizations [like the Council for a Free
Czechoslovakia and the Czech Academy of Science and Arts, among others]. It was
also necessary to manipulate exiles from the pre-1948 period, and to influence
persons involved with Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and the BBC [Czech and
Slovak broadcasts]. To this end the Czech agent network organized small lobby
groups abroad that gradually formed ties with various international
organizations and Western governments. The network prepared the ground for
anticipated political changes in communist Czechoslovakia. They helped to create
new foundations, publishing houses and information repositories. They also
collected funds. The network’s agents and front organizations received
patronage from Western governments, diplomatic services and international
The Soviet KGB
supervised operations of the special Czechoslovak network. In Czechoslovakia the
KGB appointed individuals from the leadership of the CzCP Central Committee who
were briefed on aspects of the operation. After 1987 Rudolf
Hegenbart [chief of the 13th Directorate of the CzCP
Central Committee] was charged with coordinating foreign disinformation
operations regarding Charter 77.
Financial support for Charter 77 operations, including support for the
leadership's personal needs, was arranged through the Charter 77 Foundation in
Stockholm, Sweden, by Soviet Academician Ernest Kolmann's son-in-law, Frantisek
Janouch, formerly involved in Soviet Nuclear Research.
Direct financial assistance was acquired from the International Pen Club, Rotary
Club, the Jewish Agency, Guggenheim Foundation, B’nai B’rith, Masaryk
Foundation (also the Masaryk Museum in Israel), as well as U.S. and Swedish
trade unions, etc.
The Charter 77
Foundation created six literary foundations of its own. Through these Charter 77
was able to award literary prizes to Charter 77 members for the purpose of
popularizing selected individuals. From the same resources funds were released
for so-called “scholarships. The Charter 77 Foundation also influenced old and
respected literary foundations ... in Europe and the United States. Through
specific influence operations Charter 77 succeeded in getting awards and prizes
to key signatories of Charter 77 who would later be used to fill sensitive
political posts [after the change to democracy].
Between 1980 and
1989 Charter 77 Foundation received $376,000 to finance activities in
Czechoslovakia. About $1.34 million was paid to leading members of Charter 77.
These figures do not include money paid out for literary and other awards. About
$6 million was transferred to the foreign bank accounts of Charter 77’s
leading personalities. These bank accounts are managed by foreign law firms
hired to represent individual Charter 77 operatives.
In January 1990, F.
Janouch was registered by the Czechoslovak Federal Interior Ministry to oversee
Charter 77 Foundation funds. After February 1990, these funds were handled
through Janouch’s office. These funds were also used in support of Civic Forum
and to reward the leaders of Civic Forum.
In order to avoid
persecution as an illegal organization under communist law, Charter 77 sent all
its proclamations and press releases to state authorities. In its proclamation
of 1 January 1977, Charter 77 explicitly stated that it did not want to harm the communist regime, preferring to have a constructive dialogue with the
regime. This arrangement was in accordance with the communist orientation of
leading Charter 77 members. It also corresponded with agreements made concerning
the establishment of Charter 77 and its activities.
The CzCP Central
Committee’s fierce campaign against Charter 77 was launched in order to
popularize Charter 77 among anti-communists. Charter 77 was also popularized by
the uncritical broadcasts of Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and the BBC.
After 1974 the KGB had a new network of agents that includes, today, about seven
to eight thousand Czechoslovak citizens who are not in any database of state
security. One visible sign of this network is the leadership of Charter 77 who
presently run the Czechoslovak government. From the moment of its founding,
Charter 77’s activities were in agreement with and under the control of the
STB [Czech secret police] and KGB.
Despite the fact
that Charter 77 was clearly damaging communist and state interests abroad, the
state refused to enforce paragraph 112 of the Czechoslovak criminal code that
made such activity illegal. Brutal methods were never employed against Charter
77’s publishers. In addition, Charter 77’s materials were published by the
leader of the Council for the Defense of the Unjustly Persecuted (VONS), Petr
Uhl [an ultra-leftist organizer of Euro-communism who criticized the Communist
Party for being too soft].
Without any doubt,
had Charter 77 been undesirable from the point of view of the CzCP the group
would have been liquidated within 24 hours and nobody would have been the wiser.
Liquidation of "undesirable elements" was always the standard way of
dealing with anti-communist groups or individuals, or anti-communist opinion.
Charter 77 was, on the other hand, able to publish books. Its representatives
were interviewed by Radio Free Europe, Voice of America and the BBC prior to the
1989 revolution. Charter 77 members were allowed to travel abroad where they
made political statements.
Charter 77, VONS
and other “dissident” organizations were infested with STB agents who
effectively took over the anti-communist opposition. The 2nd and 10th
directorates of the Czechoslovak Federal Ministry of Interior monitored these
activities. Direct control of Charter 77 was accomplished through a complex
system designed to avoid detection by the United States. The reasons for this
should be obvious. Charter 77 was ultimately directed by the KGB. The main
contact person was the boss of the 13th directorate of the
Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee, Rudolf Hegenbarth, who was
ostensibly directing the Federal Ministry of Interior countermeasures against
Charter 77. Hegenbarth began directly preparing for a
"counter-revolution” in August 1988. Hegenbarth’s contacts actively
directed the Civic Forum Coordination Center, especially its personnel.
Hegenbarth relied on STB Col. Josef Vostarek and STB Lt. Col. Krasa and their
contacts inside Charter 77 and Civic Forum, Ladislav Lis, Oldrich Hromadko,
Zdenek Jicinsky, Jaroslav Sabata, Petr Kucera and advisors of President Vaclav
growth of Charter 77 stopped on 11 November 1989 when the total number of
members [signatories] reached 1900. An absolute majority of these signed Charter
77 because of their opposition to the communist regime, not knowing the
organization's leaders were communist agents. Charter 77 was run by roughly 70
to 85 people, with a core of 42 speakers who took turns at the helm during
Charter 77’s existence. This core group was connected through family, personal
relationships and money. The chief families included the names Havel, Deinstbier,
Pithart, Sabata, Uhl, Muller, Tesar, Nemec, Palous, Bednar, Kyncl, Hromadko,
Dobrovsky, Ruml, Mlynar, Pelikan, Slansky, Stern, Kanturek, Freund, Tomina,
Korcisc, Payne, Kocab, Placak, Princ and others.
members of these families, their relatives and friends, took positions in the
highest government, diplomatic and economic circles [after November 1989]. This
group of Czechoslovak citizens was approved for its present role by authorized
organs of the Soviet Union.... Approval was also given by other international
Charter 77 did not
have any appreciable political influence on Czechoslovak domestic politics
during its 13-year existence. Such influence would have been undesirable for the
communists. Preparing for political changes in Eastern Europe was the primary
focus. Preparation for political change in Europe, including Czechoslovakia, was
entrusted to intelligence professionals with resources and years of experience.
Charter 77’s mission was to create an anti-communist concentration of
“suitable” people who would assure that the changes in Eastern Europe would
be controlled changes, orchestrated for the sake of the international communist
struggle, which involves all communist parties, programs and front groups. Their
main objective here is to mask a long-range approach that entails the
liquidation of one phase of communism (i.e., Stalinism) for the sake of a new
and imprisonment of some Charter 77 members was for “educational” purposes.
Most importantly, this served to condition the public mind. Imprisoned Charter
77 members were, through this process, operating under strict discipline,
required by circumstances for advancing an international propaganda campaign
assisted by foreign broadcasts and later by diplomats of countries allied with
the United States. Through this situation Czechoslovakia was meeting people for
the first time who would have been absolutely unknown during and after the
November 1989 revolution. If the Czech people had access to information about
these individuals they would have rejected them as leaders.
and advertisement of controlled dissidents, adjusting their public appearances
to fit into specific legends, effectively turned them into heroes, martyrs,
great writers, thinkers, politicians and statesmen devoted to democracy. To
reinforce this process various literary awards were established and honorary
degrees were given by Western universities. This approach, at its foundation,
uses the same method as Hollywood when creating movie stars. Anybody can become
a celebrity with the assistance of advertising. Great qualities are not
required. All one needs is money in the service of publicity.
STB officers at the Federal Ministry of Interior were charged with Charter 77
counter-measures by the state. The extent of these counter-measures is not
exhausted by listing operations oriented against Charter 77 and VONS, but
includes activities of the STB directorates charged with the struggle against
Zionism, Judaism, Freemasonry and the State Jewish Museum and against Jews. From
these units, directly subordinate to the KGB, they received directives
concerning Charter 77 activities. At the time these units detected cooperation
between Charter 77 and other dissident groups, particularly in Poland, East
Germany, Hungary and the Soviet Union. Each STB officer was in charge of a group
of five to seven secret operatives inside Charter 77.
The character of
the Charter 77 leadership was generally poor. Psychological analysis noted many
cases of instability and some cases of drug use.
It is likely that the most problematic information about Charter 77 and
its prominent leaders was removed from the Federal Ministry of Interior before
the changes of 1989. For example, audio recordings of Charter 77 leadership
meetings, as well as meetings with foreign diplomats has vanished. Also removed:
personal dossiers of the Charter 77 leadership, including the files of Vaclav
Havel, Jiri Dienstbier, Zuzana Dienstbier, Petr Uhl, J. Sabata, A. Sabatova, L.
Hejdanek, V. Benda [former CzCP
Socialist Youth official], J. Gruntorat, M. Palous [a
KGB agent according to Italy’s State Attorney’s Office],
Kanturek, E. Kanturkova, V. Chramostova, M. Kubisova, Z. Jicinsky [co-author
of the Czechoslovak communist constitution], M. Motejl, D.
Danisz, Z. Rychetsky, P. Pithart, J. Urban, P. Kucera, I. Fiser, J. Hajek, H.
Marvanova, P. Sustrova, J. Ruml, R. Slansky Jr., M. Zeman, V. Klaus, V. Dlouhy
took care to remove from the
files all information regarding the November and December 1989 meetings of
“the leading political bodies” about the transfer of power then
taking place. They also removed all information respecting the Revival of
Socialism group [i.e., reformed communists and STB agents from 1968, including
the most influential members of Charter 77 and Civic Forum].
The database of
foreign agents within the political opposition abroad also disappeared. The
communists also dispensed with Jiri Pelikan’s “Letters,” Tigrid’s
Testimony publishing house’s files, Skvorecky’s Toronto publishing files as
well as the files of the “Council for Free Czechoslovakia,” A.J. Leihm
publishing files and others. Last but not least, they removed the files for the
Schwarzenberg Palace in Vienna, Austria.
There are many
other proofs of conspiratorial cooperation between Charter 77 and the communist
regime. Many of these proofs are not suitable for publishing because they
involve certain risks. Furthermore, the extent of supportive data would increase
the length of this report beyond acceptable limits.
Next Week: Part Two