A Little Bombshell
How secret communist structures organized the collapse of communism in Czechoslovakia and influenced Western governments to accept the collapse as spontaneous and genuine. 

Click to read: Translator's Biography of Miroslav Dolejsi
Click to read: Part II of Dolejsi Analysis 


Things fall apart, the center cannot hold

Let no man deceive you with vain words

The Dolejsi Analysis (1991)
Part One of Four

By Miroslav Dolejsi
Translated by Jan Malina


Part 1, Charter 77

Of the first 216 signatories of Charter 77, as listed on 1 January 1977, 156 of them were former communists among which are names of people significantly compromised by their direct or indirect support for the communist terror in Czechoslovakia during the 1950's, for example: Frantisek Krigel, Ladislav Lis, Zdenek Mlynar, Ludmila Jankovcova, Jiri Dienstbier, Lubos Dobrovsky, Gertruda Sekaninova-Cakrtova, Ladislav Kolmistr, Jiri Hajek, Milos Hajek, Jiri Ruml, Oldrich Hromadko, Karel Siktanc, Frantisek Samalik, Ludvik Vaculik, Pavel Kohout,  Jarmila Taussigova, Venek Silhan, Libuse Silhanova, Bedrich Placak, Jaroslav Sabata, Jan Stern, Jiri Kanturek, Rudolf Zukal, Ludek Pachman and others.

Based on the intelligence analysis of the CzCP [Czechoslovak Communist Party] internal audit of 1969-1970, it is obvious that about 800 CzCP officials were transferred to the so-called “reserves” by way of expulsions [from the Party]. This enabled the use of these party members as secret agents in such situations as arose after Charter 77 was founded, after 17 November 1989, and for use in variants of the democratization envisioned by the communists.

From this intelligence analysis it is also obvious that about 1,120 communists were sent abroad to infiltrate the émigré political opposition. Until recently the communists used 260 of these people in operations. The remaining 860 were kept in reserve.

Some of these sleepers may be identified by privileges they received from the governments of the countries they fled to. Sleeper agents sent to the West typically receive political asylum immediately and without any delays. Afterwards these same persons contact Czechoslovak [Communist] Consulates and Embassies to receive immigration passports. Many return to Czechoslovakia for visits, experiencing no problems. The way is carefully prepared for sleeper agents. They often acquire jobs in prominent institutions of the countries they are sent to. Their children are able to study at leading colleges and universities. In many cases, high-level communist sleeper agents receive jobs as college or university professors. Sometimes they are given important political posts.

In order to form an alternative opposition in Czechoslovakia [under communist control] it was necessary to manipulate older exile organizations [like the Council for a Free Czechoslovakia and the Czech Academy of Science and Arts, among others]. It was also necessary to manipulate exiles from the pre-1948 period, and to influence persons involved with Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and the BBC [Czech and Slovak broadcasts]. To this end the Czech agent network organized small lobby groups abroad that gradually formed ties with various international organizations and Western governments. The network prepared the ground for anticipated political changes in communist Czechoslovakia. They helped to create new foundations, publishing houses and information repositories. They also collected funds. The network’s agents and front organizations received patronage from Western governments, diplomatic services and international organizations.

The Soviet KGB supervised operations of the special Czechoslovak network. In Czechoslovakia the KGB appointed individuals from the leadership of the CzCP Central Committee who were briefed on aspects of the operation. After 1987 Rudolf Hegenbart [chief of the 13th Directorate of the CzCP Central Committee] was charged with coordinating foreign disinformation operations regarding Charter 77.

Financial support for Charter 77 operations, including support for the leadership's personal needs, was arranged through the Charter 77 Foundation in Stockholm, Sweden, by Soviet Academician Ernest Kolmann's son-in-law, Frantisek Janouch, formerly involved in Soviet Nuclear Research. Direct financial assistance was acquired from the International Pen Club, Rotary Club, the Jewish Agency, Guggenheim Foundation, B’nai B’rith, Masaryk Foundation (also the Masaryk Museum in Israel), as well as U.S. and Swedish trade unions, etc.

The Charter 77 Foundation created six literary foundations of its own. Through these Charter 77 was able to award literary prizes to Charter 77 members for the purpose of popularizing selected individuals. From the same resources funds were released for so-called “scholarships. The Charter 77 Foundation also influenced old and respected literary foundations ... in Europe and the United States. Through specific influence operations Charter 77 succeeded in getting awards and prizes to key signatories of Charter 77 who would later be used to fill sensitive political posts [after the change to democracy].

Between 1980 and 1989 Charter 77 Foundation received $376,000 to finance activities in Czechoslovakia. About $1.34 million was paid to leading members of Charter 77. These figures do not include money paid out for literary and other awards. About $6 million was transferred to the foreign bank accounts of Charter 77’s leading personalities. These bank accounts are managed by foreign law firms hired to represent individual Charter 77 operatives.

In January 1990, F. Janouch was registered by the Czechoslovak Federal Interior Ministry to oversee Charter 77 Foundation funds. After February 1990, these funds were handled through Janouch’s office. These funds were also used in support of Civic Forum and to reward the leaders of Civic Forum.

In order to avoid persecution as an illegal organization under communist law, Charter 77 sent all its proclamations and press releases to state authorities. In its proclamation of 1 January 1977, Charter 77 explicitly stated that it did not want to harm the communist regime, preferring to have a constructive dialogue with the regime. This arrangement was in accordance with the communist orientation of leading Charter 77 members. It also corresponded with agreements made concerning the establishment of Charter 77 and its activities.

The CzCP Central Committee’s fierce campaign against Charter 77 was launched in order to popularize Charter 77 among anti-communists. Charter 77 was also popularized by the uncritical broadcasts of Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and the BBC. After 1974 the KGB had a new network of agents that includes, today, about seven to eight thousand Czechoslovak citizens who are not in any database of state security. One visible sign of this network is the leadership of Charter 77 who presently run the Czechoslovak government. From the moment of its founding, Charter 77’s activities were in agreement with and under the control of the STB [Czech secret police] and KGB.

Despite the fact that Charter 77 was clearly damaging communist and state interests abroad, the state refused to enforce paragraph 112 of the Czechoslovak criminal code that made such activity illegal. Brutal methods were never employed against Charter 77’s publishers. In addition, Charter 77’s materials were published by the leader of the Council for the Defense of the Unjustly Persecuted (VONS), Petr Uhl [an ultra-leftist organizer of Euro-communism who criticized the Communist Party for being too soft].

Without any doubt, had Charter 77 been undesirable from the point of view of the CzCP the group would have been liquidated within 24 hours and nobody would have been the wiser. Liquidation of "undesirable elements" was always the standard way of dealing with anti-communist groups or individuals, or anti-communist opinion. Charter 77 was, on the other hand, able to publish books. Its representatives were interviewed by Radio Free Europe, Voice of America and the BBC prior to the 1989 revolution. Charter 77 members were allowed to travel abroad where they made political statements.

Charter 77, VONS and other “dissident” organizations were infested with STB agents who effectively took over the anti-communist opposition. The 2nd and 10th directorates of the Czechoslovak Federal Ministry of Interior monitored these activities. Direct control of Charter 77 was accomplished through a complex system designed to avoid detection by the United States. The reasons for this should be obvious. Charter 77 was ultimately directed by the KGB. The main contact person was the boss of the 13th directorate of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee, Rudolf Hegenbarth, who was ostensibly directing the Federal Ministry of Interior countermeasures against Charter 77. Hegenbarth began directly preparing for a "counter-revolution” in August 1988. Hegenbarth’s contacts actively directed the Civic Forum Coordination Center, especially its personnel. Hegenbarth relied on STB Col. Josef Vostarek and STB Lt. Col. Krasa and their contacts inside Charter 77 and Civic Forum, Ladislav Lis, Oldrich Hromadko, Zdenek Jicinsky, Jaroslav Sabata, Petr Kucera and advisors of President Vaclav Havel.

The membership growth of Charter 77 stopped on 11 November 1989 when the total number of members [signatories] reached 1900. An absolute majority of these signed Charter 77 because of their opposition to the communist regime, not knowing the organization's leaders were communist agents. Charter 77 was run by roughly 70 to 85 people, with a core of 42 speakers who took turns at the helm during Charter 77’s existence. This core group was connected through family, personal relationships and money. The chief families included the names Havel, Deinstbier, Pithart, Sabata, Uhl, Muller, Tesar, Nemec, Palous, Bednar, Kyncl, Hromadko, Dobrovsky, Ruml, Mlynar, Pelikan, Slansky, Stern, Kanturek, Freund, Tomina, Korcisc, Payne, Kocab, Placak, Princ and others.

Approximately 180 members of these families, their relatives and friends, took positions in the highest government, diplomatic and economic circles [after November 1989]. This group of Czechoslovak citizens was approved for its present role by authorized organs of the Soviet Union.... Approval was also given by other international organizations.

Charter 77 did not have any appreciable political influence on Czechoslovak domestic politics during its 13-year existence. Such influence would have been undesirable for the communists. Preparing for political changes in Eastern Europe was the primary focus. Preparation for political change in Europe, including Czechoslovakia, was entrusted to intelligence professionals with resources and years of experience. Charter 77’s mission was to create an anti-communist concentration of “suitable” people who would assure that the changes in Eastern Europe would be controlled changes, orchestrated for the sake of the international communist struggle, which involves all communist parties, programs and front groups. Their main objective here is to mask a long-range approach that entails the liquidation of one phase of communism (i.e., Stalinism) for the sake of a new phase.

Public condemnation and imprisonment of some Charter 77 members was for “educational” purposes. Most importantly, this served to condition the public mind. Imprisoned Charter 77 members were, through this process, operating under strict discipline, required by circumstances for advancing an international propaganda campaign assisted by foreign broadcasts and later by diplomats of countries allied with the United States. Through this situation Czechoslovakia was meeting people for the first time who would have been absolutely unknown during and after the November 1989 revolution. If the Czech people had access to information about these individuals they would have rejected them as leaders. 

Organized publicity and advertisement of controlled dissidents, adjusting their public appearances to fit into specific legends, effectively turned them into heroes, martyrs, great writers, thinkers, politicians and statesmen devoted to democracy. To reinforce this process various literary awards were established and honorary degrees were given by Western universities. This approach, at its foundation, uses the same method as Hollywood when creating movie stars. Anybody can become a celebrity with the assistance of advertising. Great qualities are not required. All one needs is money in the service of publicity.

Approximately 43 STB officers at the Federal Ministry of Interior were charged with Charter 77 counter-measures by the state. The extent of these counter-measures is not exhausted by listing operations oriented against Charter 77 and VONS, but includes activities of the STB directorates charged with the struggle against Zionism, Judaism, Freemasonry and the State Jewish Museum and against Jews. From these units, directly subordinate to the KGB, they received directives concerning Charter 77 activities. At the time these units detected cooperation between Charter 77 and other dissident groups, particularly in Poland, East Germany, Hungary and the Soviet Union. Each STB officer was in charge of a group of five to seven secret operatives inside Charter 77.

The character of the Charter 77 leadership was generally poor. Psychological analysis noted many cases of instability and some cases of drug use.  It is likely that the most problematic information about Charter 77 and its prominent leaders was removed from the Federal Ministry of Interior before the changes of 1989. For example, audio recordings of Charter 77 leadership meetings, as well as meetings with foreign diplomats has vanished. Also removed: personal dossiers of the Charter 77 leadership, including the files of Vaclav Havel, Jiri Dienstbier, Zuzana Dienstbier, Petr Uhl, J. Sabata, A. Sabatova, L. Hejdanek, V. Benda [former CzCP Socialist Youth official], J. Gruntorat, M. Palous [a KGB agent according to Italy’s State Attorney’s Office], Kanturek, E. Kanturkova, V. Chramostova, M. Kubisova, Z. Jicinsky [co-author of the Czechoslovak communist constitution], M. Motejl, D. Danisz, Z. Rychetsky, P. Pithart, J. Urban, P. Kucera, I. Fiser, J. Hajek, H. Marvanova, P. Sustrova, J. Ruml, R. Slansky Jr., M. Zeman, V. Klaus, V. Dlouhy and others.

The communists took care to remove from the files all information regarding the November and December 1989 meetings of “the leading political bodies” about the transfer of power then taking place. They also removed all information respecting the Revival of Socialism group [i.e., reformed communists and STB agents from 1968, including the most influential members of Charter 77 and Civic Forum].

The database of foreign agents within the political opposition abroad also disappeared. The communists also dispensed with Jiri Pelikan’s “Letters,” Tigrid’s Testimony publishing house’s files, Skvorecky’s Toronto publishing files as well as the files of the “Council for Free Czechoslovakia,” A.J. Leihm publishing files and others. Last but not least, they removed the files for the Schwarzenberg Palace in Vienna, Austria.

There are many other proofs of conspiratorial cooperation between Charter 77 and the communist regime. Many of these proofs are not suitable for publishing because they involve certain risks. Furthermore, the extent of supportive data would increase the length of this report beyond acceptable limits. 

Coming Next Week: Part Two 

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